The euphoria of recent ‘Arab Springsâ is beginning to die down; the newly elected president of Egypt has forcibly ‘voted inâ a new democratic constitution, without concern for its secular, Coptic and other sections of society. The recently elected government in Tunisia is ceding political space to ‘jihadiâ ideologues to propagate sectarian parochialism, and the Kenyan president has a case against him in the International Court of Justice for genocide. Austerity measures imposed by several democratic governments in Europe—UK, Spain, Ireland, Greece, Cyprus—have seen social protection and welfare support to the have-nots further decrease while ministers and officials continue to enjoy social security and other benefits. Many banking and finance companies in America have lost money though their CEOs continue to receive higher compensation and bonuses; companies are sick, though owners are wealthy. Closer home in Asia, the mere promise of democratic elections in Myanmar has unleashed enormous sectarian violence against Muslim community. The Benazir Income Support Programme in Pakistan, funded by DfID, is being used to buy votes for the ruling political party in the forthcoming parliamentary elections next month. As the hope for new democracy remains locked-out in the constitutional assembly of Nepal, thousands of young Nepali men have been traveling to Afghanistan and the Middle East in search of livelihood. In recently concluded provincial elections in several north-eastern provinces of India, the declared assets of politicians of all political parties had grown ten times over five years (since the last election) while the real income of the average citizen of those provinces had stagnated. The worst drought of this century in Congress-party ruled Maharashtra (in India) is being caused by deliberate leakage of funds meant for minor irrigation projects, and wilful diversion of available water to the cash crops (like sugarcane) in fields owned by politicians. Each of the above storylines has some variation, but the conclusion is the same across the world—democracy as a form of governance is only working for the few. Democracy is not working for all citizens; its manipulation by the economic and political elites to serve their own narrow economic and political interests is a worldwide phenomenon today. As a consequence, ordinary citizens are losing trust in institutions of democracy—parliaments, judiciary, governments. The resulting alienation is making citizens apathetic, and even hostile, to the process of democratic functioning. Tendencies towards sectarianism, fascism, authoritarianism and individualism are gaining ascendancy as a consequence; efforts by political leaders and officials to capture public resources—natural, fiscal, physical—for narrow private gains are being couched in the language of democracy today. It is in this sense that citizenship assertion is critical for reviving and deepening democracy. Active, informed, aware and organiszed citizenship alone can protect and advance democratic space, culture and institutions. Civil society, in its myriad manifestations, needs to work together at local, provincial, national and global levels to make democratic institutions, processes and mechanisms work for all citizens. If democracy works for the excluded and the marginalized, only then it will work for all. Thus, citizen participation by the excluded is critical for the well-being of democratic governance. Formal institutions of democracy will work for all citizens when the ‘glue and spiritâ of participatory democracy complements it. Today, the ‘glueâ of participatory democracy needs to be ‘attachedâ more strongly to various forms and forums of representative democracy. As many newly democratising countries are discovering, democratic governance cannot flourish in an undemocratic society. For democratic governance to work for all citizens, democratising society is essential. Today, many countries find conflicts, contestations and stratifications in their societies. Lack of tolerance for differences, diversity and plurality is endemic in many societies today. Differences on the basis of ethnicity, religion, language, caste, gender, age, colour of skin, political affiliations, etc, exist in all societies; democratically functioning societies respect, value and celebrate such differences. Therefore, civil society needs to act in ways that democratise societies as well; otherwise, the aspiration to ‘make democracy work for allâ will not be realized. Foundations of democratic governance for the good of all can only be built on the scaffolding of a democratic society. Humanity is facing numerous challenges today; addressing those challenges in ways that makes democracy work for all requires innovativeness and creativity. It is time to ‘refreshâ democracy is now; commitment to ‘re-inventâ democratic practices is needed. This is the default option, the only option. If democracy doesnât work for all citizens, alternatives may well not work for any citizens.

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