New Era in Nepal
 
Nepalese are celebrating their new year today---the start of Bikram Samwat 2065. As usual, much pomp and ceremony is bringing in the new year. Chariots are being pulled, buffalos and goats are being sacrificed, lamps are being lit—as an auspicious new year begins on this first day of Baisakh, the lunar calendar.
 
In some special way, this new year also brings in a ‘new era’ in Nepal. Just three days ago, on the 28th day of Chaith, the Nepalese people cast their votes for a new Constituent Assembly which will decide on the future of democratic governance in Nepal. After a decade of violence and struggle, the coalition of seven political parties, including Maoists, agreed to hold universal elections to elect a Constituent Assembly, which will frame a new constitution for democratic republic of Nepal. The much postponed elections to this Constituent Assembly were finally scheduled for April 10, 2008.
 
We were invited to be a part of a South Asian civil society group, under the banner of South Asia Partnership International, to observe the elections in Nepal. As we landed in Kathmandu, much of the air of expectancy could be felt though the streets were deserted, all shops closed. We thought some violent incident had occurred, only to realize that the government had declared a five day official holiday in the country to facilitate free and fair elections. After the usual briefings, we set out in the lanes and streets of Kathmandu & Lalitpur (other members of our team had gone out to the northern and eastern districts).
Based on our experience of Indian elections, we were surprised to find some different things in Nepal. Most visibly, there were no posters, banners or pictures of any candidates or political parties anywhere. By looking around, it was hard to tell that such a historic election was taking place. The only instances of any ‘violation’ of orders of the Election Commission not to use posters & banners were a few Maoist posters of their leader Prachanda, being hailed as the next President of democratic Nepal.
We set out at 6.30 am on the polling day to monitor and observe elections. When we arrived in the first polling station of Lalitpur 3 constituency, we were surprised to see people already in the queue, awaiting the start of polling at 7 am. But, the polling staff were not ready, and decided to have some tea at 7 am, before voting could begin. We travelled to 12 polling stations spread over 5 constituencies that day. In the morning, long queues of enthusiastic voters were patiently awaiting their turn. A very large number of women were among the early voters. Women’s participation in voting was most impressive. By 11 am, after 4 hours of polling, more than 40% of the votes had been cast in all constituencies. The process slowed down during the hot mid-day, but picked up again by 3 pm, as queues of voters had increased again.
Polling process in all places was peaceful and unhindered. The election staff were very helpful to the disabled and the elderly; the voters stood for 2-3 hours very patiently in the queues; the system of casting two ballots seemed to be not much confusing. The election system for Constituent assembly had three methods of selecting representatives—first past the post to elect 240 members; proportionate system on party lines (54 parties in all) to elect 335 members; and, 32 members to be nominated by the government of the day.

What was really striking to us was the culture of informality and comraderie that characterized the process of voting. Though officials on poll duty and agents of candidates/parties were wearing different coloured identity cards, it was hard to distinguish between them in actual practice. Agents of parties and candidates (averaging about 7 in each polling station) were helping officials in opening and counting ballot papers, identification of voters, guidance to voters where to go for casting the ballots, sealing ballot boxes, etc. For the strict proceduralists among us, this informality and blurring of roles and boundaries between party agents and polling officials was highly objectionable and undesirable. The agents were screening voters; they were sitting anywhere in the booth; the voters were chatting with agents inside the booth; some agents were walking through the lines of voters awaiting their turn, obviously carrying out informal campaigning. From our experiences of elections in India, this informality was surprising, though quite compelling. The air of informality and ease of interactions among officials, agents and voters had a certain charm about it, unlike the hostility, formality and tension that we witness during our polling process in India.
Security staff were on duty, including several of those who were temporarily appointed for 1-3 months; but they were again part of the culture of relaxed informality. Security personnel were placed in different sites within the polling stations, but not necessarily in a strict and fixed manner. One of our Pakistani colleagues remarked that such ‘laxity’ in securing the ballot boxes could easily result in rigging of polling in her country; we know that from Indian experience too.
The most unique part of Nepal’s elections was the official presence of a huge number of election observers and monitors. The Chief Election Commissioner of Nepal, Mr Bhoj Raj Pokharel, has to be congratulated for this innovation. There were nearly 800 international observers---the usuals like the European Union, the United Nations and the Carter Centre (President Jimmy Carter himself was camping there). But, we also saw vehicles and observers from UK, Japan, USA, etc. There were, interestingly for us, no ‘official’ election observers from India!
In addition, and perhaps most impressively, the Election Commission had appointed its own non-official observers; it had also accredited about ten national/international civil society coalitions to act as election observers. It was reported that nearly 65,000 domestic Nepalese people were acting as formally accredited election observers. These observers were present in each polling station we visited; they were busy in observing the process, some passively, and some very actively. The Election Commission had briefed these networks/coalitions about the polling process and code of conduct for observers. The coalitions had done some orientation and training of their volunteers as observers. Most of these observers were young men and women, very smart, enthusiastic and serious about the business of observing the polling process.
What an amazing process! Can we imagine India’s national Election Commission accrediting hundreds of thousands of civil society observers? Surely, we should demand that this be done from next round of elections! Any takers for Karnataka Assembly polling next month?
 
The most impressive, heartening and unique feature of Nepalese elections this time was the massive involvement of citizens from all walks of life, as motivators, campaigners, and observers. On a rough count, nearly 2% (half a million Nepalese) of all the Nepalese citizens were formally involved in conducting and observing the polling process on April 10. Can you imagine 24 million Indians similarly involved during the next round of parliamentary elections in the country?
 
The air of festivity and informality was also visible outside the polling stations. Hundreds of people, including scores of women, just hung around polling stations, merely observing the process. There was no visible sign of political party booths outside the polling stations, though some groups of agents were helping voters to read their names and numbers in the voters’ lists. The sheer presence of such large numbers of citizens throughout the polling period just around the polling stations could act as a deterrent to any mischief inside the polling station. What an inspiring, inclusive and participatory methodology of election watching!
 
As we write this reflection today, early results have begun to come in. The performance of Maoists has far exceeded their own and others’ expectations. The Maoists are heading for a clear majority among those elected in the first-past-the-post method. While some of this is the reflection of the hard struggles of Maoists themselves, such astoundingly favourable results for them are also due to the rejection of ‘old’ style politics and leadership of the more entrenched parties like Nepali Congress and UML. These trends may well be further reinforced as results from proportional system begin to come in later next week.
 
So, the ‘new era’ in Nepal would certainly make the system of governance in the country more democratic, republic, federalist and inclusive. The 250 years of monarchy would be eased out constitutionally. But, the challenge of rebuilding a democratic and inclusive society in Nepal would be huge for the ‘new’ leadership of the Maoists in whom Nepalese people have now reposed such faith and responsibility.
 
Martha Farrell & Rajesh Tandon
April 13, 2008, Kathmandu